109. The Woman taken in adultery: The Textual Problem (John 8:1 -11)
    The first of several problems which the student of this
    section of John's gospel encounters is: Does it belong? Is it an authentic part
    of what John wrote?
    
    With hardly an exception the modern textual critics answer:
    No. Yet in the next breath practically all of them are agreed that this passage
    is part of dependable apostolic tradition. It has "the ring of truth"; there is
    about it somehow the hall-mark of genuineness. Consequently most modern versions
    either print it in brackets (RV) or relegate it to the foot of page (RSV) or to
    the end of the gospel (NEB). But all, in one way or another, make the reader
    aware of the fact that he is being warned against accepting this as an integral
    part of John's gospel.
    
    Then, did John write it, or didn't he? To most modern readers
    the question is academic. They like this story. They instinctively believe the
    truth of it as they read it, and that is good enough for them. Just where it
    came from, or who wrote it, or how it got where it is, are questions of almost
    no importance.
    
    But for those who believe in the inspiration of Holy Scripture
    such sloppy attitudes are hardly seemly. Then, is it possible to come to any
    definite conclusions regarding this issue?
    
    Textual Evidence
    
    The facts are these. Some very awe-inspiring witnesses can be
    cited against receiving this section as authentic Scripture.
    
    
        - A number of very ancient manuscripts omit the passage: The Sinaitic,
            Vatican, and Freer codices, and the early Geneva papyrus (No. 66) are among
            these.
        
 - A big proportion of the ancient versions do not have it.
        
 - An
            important handful of early fathers, whose commentaries on the gospels could be
            expected to include it, leave out all mention.
        
 - Those manuscripts which do
            have it involve a good many more "various readings" than is usual.
        
 - The
            language is so obviously not John's style or vocabulary. This is obvious even to
            the student who is confined to the text in
            English
    
 
    This is an impressive case, only to be set aside by massive
    evidence the other way. And if it is set aside, a very convincing explanation is
    called for as to how omission by all these authorities has come about. Both of
    these it is possible to provide, with the net result that these twelve verses
    may be confidently received as an authentic and authoritative part of the gospel
    as originally written.
    
    First the textual evidence:
    
    
        - More uncial manuscripts have it than omit it.
        
 - Well over three hundred
            cursive manuscripts have it.
        
 - The "Apostolic Constitutions", a very early
            document, includes the words. So also do most of the Old Latin manuscripts and
            the Latin Vulgate. Jerome commented that this section was to be found in many
            Greek and Latin codices of his day (4th century). Several of the ancient
            versions (e.g. Ethiopic and Jerusalem Syriac) include
            it.
    
 
    The inclusion by such a large number of manuscripts presents a
    problem. If these twelve verses represent a floating bit of early tradition
    which has come to be incorporated with John's gospel, how is it that practically
    all the manuscripts insert it at this particular place? The answer usually
    supplied is that in the fourth century a widespread revision of existing New
    Testament texts took place throughout the churches, and a big degree of
    standardisation ensued. This sounds plausible enough, but unhappily no shred of
    documentary evidence to support such a view has ever been found-and this from a
    period which has church writings available today in great abundance. Nor
    is it possible to see how such a revision could be efficient in every
    part of the Roman empire.
    
    On the other hand there is clear evidence of a very striking
    character that a documentary revision of a different kind was going on in
    certain areas about that time. There are indications in the writings of
    Augustine and other prominent leaders of the fourth century church that the
    story of the woman taken in adultery was deemed to be a threat to the purity of
    Christian living, inasmuch as it could be construed as an encouragement to
    promiscuity. For this reason there developed a marked tendency to give this
    story as little prominence in church teaching as possible. In the lectionaries
    it was either relegated to use at one or two very minor church festivals or was
    not read at all.
    
    More than this, there is evidence in the manuscripts
    themselves that a campaign of this kind was in progress. Scrivener has pointed
    out that in one of the Old Latin manuscripts "the whole text from 7:44 to 8:12
    has been wilfully erased." (Introduction to Criticism of New Testament 2.367).
    In Codex A, the scribe began to write this disputed section, and then erased it.
    Codices A C L leave a space at this point in John's gospel, a clear indication
    that the scribes responsible for them knew of the familiar reading but had some
    reason for omitting it. A group of thirteen cursives put these verses at the end
    of the gospel. The Ferrar group (f 13) inserts them at the end of Luke 21,
    doubtless because of the marked resemblance to two verses there.
    
    All these facts fit readily enough with the hypothesis that an
    attempt was being made to relegate this inconvenient Scripture (as it was
    deemed) to a place of obscurity, and this for the reason already
    mentioned.
    
    Church Lectionaries
    
    The lectionaries of the early church (these were a kind of
    "Bible Companion") show very clearly how omission of these twelve verses came
    about in some manuscripts. The gospel reading chosen for Whit Sunday was John
    7:37 to the end of the chapter. But it was desired to include also Jn. 8:12: "I
    am the light of the world." Accordingly at 7:52 a//the lectionaries (and there
    are many of them still in existence) had in their margin a word meaning: "Go
    over, overleap", and then at 8 :12 the word for "begin (again)."
    
    Lectionary discontinuities of this sort are to be found
    elsewhere and have actually led to other similar omissions in some manuscripts
    (Burgon: Trad. Text, p. 256).
    
    In this instance the 'overleaping' is done at the expense of a
    certain loss of smoothness in the reading. Theargument,againstthe validity of
    the twelve verses, has often been used that if they are left out there is
    perfect continuity. But is there? John 7 :52 ends with the altercation between
    the rulers and the officers and Nicodemus. John 8 :12 resumes with: "Again
    therefore Jesus spake unto them, saying, I am the light of the world"-a strange
    kind of continuity, surely! On the other hand, verse 12: "Again therefore Jesus
    spake unto them, saying . . ." refers back naturally enough to verse 2; "and he
    sat down and taught them."
    
    As it stands, the received text presents no continuity problem
    at all. The argumentation in the temple concluded, "every man went unto his own
    house, but Jesus went into the mount of Olives." This harmonizes excellently
    with the point, which chapter 7 has already mentioned several times, that the
    rulers sought to kill Jesus. There was no safety for him in the city, hence his
    taking refuge where they would never dream of looking for him, in the garden of
    Gethsemane (18:1).
    
    Then, "early in the morning, he came again into the temple,
    and all the people came unto him." After the challenge of judgment concerning
    the adulterous woman, his adversaries disappear from the scene (8:9,10), and
    Jesus is able to resume his teaching: "I am the Light of the world." It will be
    shown in Study 110 that not only does this incident harmonize perfectly with the
    rest of chapter?, but some of the language which follows requires to be read as
    allusive to the judging of the adulterous woman.
    
    The Problem of Style
    
    There still remains, however, the evident fad that in style
    and vocabulary these disputed verses seem to have little resemblance to the
    writing of John. This has to be admitted. But, again, there is a very simple
    factual explanation available. Unfortunately, although both simple and factual,
    the explanation is necessarily rather lengthy, and accordingly it is needful to
    bespeak the reader's patience regarding it.
    
    There are two very interesting statements available from early
    church writers regarding the origin of John's gospel. Clement of Alexandria (c.
    190) wrote: "The tradition of the presbyters from the first is that John, last,
    having observed that the bodily things (regarding Jesus) had been set forth in
    the synoptic gospels, on the exhortation of his friends, inspired by the Spirit
    produced a spiritual gospel." The Muratorian Fragment (c. 180), found in a
    library in Milan, has this: "It was revealed to Andrew, one of the apostles,
    that John should narrate everything in his own name, subject to the revision of
    the rest."
    
    These two testimonies from widely separated sources indicate
    that whilst the writing of the gospel was John's work (necessarily so), he had
    associated with him in the writing of it, others, also guided by the Spirit, who
    were able to vouch for the validity of what he wrote. Some arrangement of this
    kind was obviously desirable in an age when not a few undependable attempts were
    being made to set out the life and work of Christ (see Luke 1 :1).
    
    Here, then is the explanation of the strange occasional
    occurrence of the plural pronoun in John's narrative: "This is the disciple
    (John) which testifieth of these things, and wrote these things: and we know
    that his testimony is true" (21 :24). This is clearly the authenticating
    certificate, so to speak, of the brethren associated with John. Similarly, "the
    Word was made flesh, and dwelt among us, and we beheld his glory"
    (1 :14). It is possible now to see that the plural pronouns in this familiar
    passage are not just a vague way of referring to the human race in general. They
    are intended to include with John others such as Andrew who also had personal
    contact with Jesus in the days of his flesh.
    
    With this background to the gospel made more clear, it is not
    difficult to see the section under consideration as having been contributed by
    Andrew or one of the others because of its exceptional relevance to the sequence
    of ideas in the Lord's controversy with the rulers. Just how relevant it is will
    be shown in the next study. Thus it becomes possible to regard this section as
    coming from the pen of some writer other than John and yet as being an integral
    part of the gospel, decidedly helpful to a proper understanding of all that was
    taking place at that time.